CURSO PARA DESEMPLEADOS. PRIORITARIOS DESEMPLEADOS PLAN MEMTA.
SOLICITUDES A PARTIR DE ENERO.
CARACTERISTICAS DEL CURSO
DURACIÓN : 234 HORAS
NIVEL: INICIACIÓN
HORARIO: 9.00-14.00
martes, 29 de diciembre de 2009
PROVERBIOS DE PAZ Y ESPERANZA
Es mejor viajar lleno de esperanza que llegar.Proverbio japonés
No debemos perder la fe en la humanidad que es como el océano: no se ensucia porque algunas de sus gotas estén suciasMahatma Gandhi
La paz y la armonía constituyen la mayor riqueza de la familia. Benjamin Franklin
Un amigo es uno que lo sabe todo de ti y a pesar de ello te quiere. Elbert Hubbard
Nunca desistas de un sueño. Sólo trata de ver las señales que te lleven a él. Paulo Coelho
Por muy larga que sea la tormenta, el sol siempre vuelve a brillar entre las nubes. Khalil Gibran
La mayor declaración de amor es la que no se hace; el hombre que siente mucho, habla poco. Platón
Lo pasado ha huido, lo que esperas está ausente, pero el presente es tuyo. Proverbio árabe
lunes, 21 de diciembre de 2009
Feeling grumpy 'is good for you' .BBC ARTICLE
In a bad mood? Don't worry - according to research, it's good for you.
An Australian psychology expert who has been studying emotions has found being grumpy makes us think more clearly.
In contrast to those annoying happy types, miserable people are better at decision-making and less gullible, his experiments showed.
While cheerfulness fosters creativity, gloominess breeds attentiveness and careful thinking, Professor Joe Forgas told Australian Science Magazine.
'Eeyore days'
The University of New South Wales researcher says a grumpy person can cope with more demanding situations than a happy one because of the way the brain "promotes information processing strategies".
“ Negative moods trigger more attentive, careful thinking, paying greater attention to the external world ”
Professor Joe Forgas
He asked volunteers to watch different films and dwell on positive or negative events in their life, designed to put them in either a good or bad mood.
Next he asked them to take part in a series of tasks, including judging the truth of urban myths and providing eyewitness accounts of events.
Those in a bad mood outperformed those who were jolly - they made fewer mistakes and were better communicators.
Professor Forgas said: "Whereas positive mood seems to promote creativity, flexibility, co-operation and reliance on mental shortcuts, negative moods trigger more attentive, careful thinking, paying greater attention to the external world."
The study also found that sad people were better at stating their case through written arguments, which Forgas said showed that a "mildly negative mood may actually promote a more concrete, accommodative and ultimately more successful communication style".
His earlier work shows the weather has a similar impact on us - wet, dreary days sharpened memory, while bright sunny spells make people forgetful.
An Australian psychology expert who has been studying emotions has found being grumpy makes us think more clearly.
In contrast to those annoying happy types, miserable people are better at decision-making and less gullible, his experiments showed.
While cheerfulness fosters creativity, gloominess breeds attentiveness and careful thinking, Professor Joe Forgas told Australian Science Magazine.
'Eeyore days'
The University of New South Wales researcher says a grumpy person can cope with more demanding situations than a happy one because of the way the brain "promotes information processing strategies".
“ Negative moods trigger more attentive, careful thinking, paying greater attention to the external world ”
Professor Joe Forgas
He asked volunteers to watch different films and dwell on positive or negative events in their life, designed to put them in either a good or bad mood.
Next he asked them to take part in a series of tasks, including judging the truth of urban myths and providing eyewitness accounts of events.
Those in a bad mood outperformed those who were jolly - they made fewer mistakes and were better communicators.
Professor Forgas said: "Whereas positive mood seems to promote creativity, flexibility, co-operation and reliance on mental shortcuts, negative moods trigger more attentive, careful thinking, paying greater attention to the external world."
The study also found that sad people were better at stating their case through written arguments, which Forgas said showed that a "mildly negative mood may actually promote a more concrete, accommodative and ultimately more successful communication style".
His earlier work shows the weather has a similar impact on us - wet, dreary days sharpened memory, while bright sunny spells make people forgetful.
What Makes Someone French?
PARIS, Nov. 10 - Semou Diouf, holding a pipe in one hand and a cigarette in the other, stood amid the noisy games of checkers and cards in the dingy ground-floor common room of a crowded tenement building and pondered the question of why he feels French.
"I was born in Senegal when it was part of France," he said before putting the pipe in his mouth. "I speak French, my wife is French and I was educated in France." The problem, he added after pulling the pipe out of his mouth again, "is the French don't think I'm French."
That, in a nutshell, is what lies at the heart of the unrest that has swept France in the past two weeks: millions of French citizens, whether immigrants or the offspring of immigrants, feel rejected by traditional French society, which has resisted adjusting a vision of itself forged in fires of the French Revolution. The concept of French identity remains rooted deep in the country's centuries-old culture, and a significant portion of the population has yet to accept the increasingly multiethnic makeup of the nation. Put simply, being French, for many people, remains a baguette-and-beret affair.
Though many countries aspire to ensure equality among their citizens and fall short, the case is complicated in France by a secular ideal that refuses to recognize ethnic and religious differences in the public domain. All citizens are French, end of story, the government insists, a lofty position that, nonetheless, has allowed discrimination to thrive.
France's Constitution guarantees equality to all, but that has long been interpreted to mean that ethnic or religious differences are not the purview of the state. The result is that no one looks at such differences to track growing inequalities and so discrimination is easy to hide.
"People have it in their head that surveying by race or religion is bad, it's dirty, it's something reserved for Americans and that we shouldn't do it here," said Yazid Sabeg, the only prominent Frenchman of Arab descent at the head of a publicly listed French company. "But without statistics to look at, how can we measure the problem?"
Mr. Sabeg was born in Algeria when it was French territory and moved to France with his family as an infant. His father worked as a laborer and later a mechanic to put him through a Jesuit boarding school, and he went on to earn a Ph.D. at the Sorbonne.
He scoffs at the notion of a French identity based on what he believes is a fiction of equal rights and France's reluctance to engage in debate about the gap between ideals and reality. "France doesn't know how to manage diversity," he said. "It doesn't want to accept the consequences of a multiethnic society."
Like most French schoolchildren, he was taught that his ancestors were Gauls and that "in 732, Charles Martel, the Mayor of the Palace, repelled the Arabs in Poitiers."
French leaders admit failings but insist they are working to bring equality to all citizens and have embarked on an oblique public debate about what it means to be French. But that debate is still bounded by fidelity to ideals of the French Republic. President Jacques Chirac told reporters at Élysée Palace on Thursday that the government "hasn't been fast enough" in addressing the problems of discrimination, but that, "no matter what our origins, we are all children of the Republic."
Further to the political right, the debate has taken on another cast: the far-right National Front party released a computer-generated video on its Web site this week that showed Paris in flames. "Immigration, explosion in the suburbs ... Le Pen foretold it," the banner over the video reads, referring to the party's patriarch, Jean-Marie Le Pen.
The idea behind France's republican ideal was that by officially ignoring ethnic differences in favor of a transcendent French identity, the country would avoid the stratification of society that existed before the French Revolution or the fragmentation that it now sees in multicultural models like the United States. But the French model, never updated, has failed, critics say. "France always talks about avoiding ghettoization, but it has already happened," Mr. Sabeg said, adding that people are separated in the housing projects, in their schools and in their heads.
The country's colonial legacy has only deepened that alienation. Rachid Arhab, one of the only well-known minority broadcast journalists in France, says that he lives with the resentments touched off by the bloody war of independence that Algeria won against France in 1962. "Unconsciously, for many French, I'm a reminder of the war," he said, adding, "now they see images of second-generation Algerian children in the streets burning cars and buildings, and that brings out the resentment even more."
Mr. Arhab himself is a study in the country's ambivalence toward what it means to be French. He was born in Algeria when the country was French territory and so was born French. He moved to France as an infant, but lost his French citizenship when he was 8 in the wake of the Algerian war - like many French-Arabs from Algeria, his parents didn't understand that they had to apply to retain their citizenship in France. Mr. Arhab didn't become a French citizen again until 1992. Yet he said, "I feel profoundly French."
But even the language of identity has its barbs. Mr. Arhab said that when he hears people refer to him as French "of Algerian origin," it carries with it the subtext that he is not really French.
He said earlier generations like himself have had it easier than the frustrated youths in the housing projects today, because his generation had closer ties to their homelands. "When someone says to me, 'you're not French,' I can take refuge in my origins," he said, "but the young can't do that."
Most second-generation Muslim immigrants are generally no more observant than young French Catholics. But the legacy of discrimination creates the conditions for young people who feel neither French nor North African to seek an identity in Islam - often anti-Western, political Islam.
"I've known discrimination all of my life," Mr. Sabeg said, adding that the prejudices only grew stronger the more prominent he became. In 1991, he led a group of investors in taking over CS Communication and Systémes, a publicly listed company that he now runs. When he applied to the government to become a defense contractor, a ministry official told him, "You're called Sabeg, that's a problem for us," meaning that he was of Algerian descent.
Rumors soon began circulating that he was an Algerian spy. It took him three years to win his first contract from the Defense Ministry. He never found out who was behind the rumors. "It's like a snake, you see the tail as it disappears, but never the head," Mr. Sabeg said, adding that the rumors continue.
So far, the government's efforts to reach out to minority ethnic youth have been half-hearted, constrained by the republican ideals that have turned affirmative action into a taboo. But private efforts are beginning, skirting the rules.
Karim Zeribi, a former soccer player and political adviser, said a study he carried out earlier this year found that résumés sent out with traditionally French names got responses 50 times higher than those with North African or African names. In the wake of the study, Mr. Zeribi established an agency in April called Act for Citizenship, which canvasses minority neighborhoods for qualified job candidates and markets them to corporations.
"We want to create a network for these people where there is none," Mr. Zeribi said. Still, he said, his young candidates are regularly asked if they are practicing Muslims when they are interviewed for jobs.
"I was born in Senegal when it was part of France," he said before putting the pipe in his mouth. "I speak French, my wife is French and I was educated in France." The problem, he added after pulling the pipe out of his mouth again, "is the French don't think I'm French."
That, in a nutshell, is what lies at the heart of the unrest that has swept France in the past two weeks: millions of French citizens, whether immigrants or the offspring of immigrants, feel rejected by traditional French society, which has resisted adjusting a vision of itself forged in fires of the French Revolution. The concept of French identity remains rooted deep in the country's centuries-old culture, and a significant portion of the population has yet to accept the increasingly multiethnic makeup of the nation. Put simply, being French, for many people, remains a baguette-and-beret affair.
Though many countries aspire to ensure equality among their citizens and fall short, the case is complicated in France by a secular ideal that refuses to recognize ethnic and religious differences in the public domain. All citizens are French, end of story, the government insists, a lofty position that, nonetheless, has allowed discrimination to thrive.
France's Constitution guarantees equality to all, but that has long been interpreted to mean that ethnic or religious differences are not the purview of the state. The result is that no one looks at such differences to track growing inequalities and so discrimination is easy to hide.
"People have it in their head that surveying by race or religion is bad, it's dirty, it's something reserved for Americans and that we shouldn't do it here," said Yazid Sabeg, the only prominent Frenchman of Arab descent at the head of a publicly listed French company. "But without statistics to look at, how can we measure the problem?"
Mr. Sabeg was born in Algeria when it was French territory and moved to France with his family as an infant. His father worked as a laborer and later a mechanic to put him through a Jesuit boarding school, and he went on to earn a Ph.D. at the Sorbonne.
He scoffs at the notion of a French identity based on what he believes is a fiction of equal rights and France's reluctance to engage in debate about the gap between ideals and reality. "France doesn't know how to manage diversity," he said. "It doesn't want to accept the consequences of a multiethnic society."
Like most French schoolchildren, he was taught that his ancestors were Gauls and that "in 732, Charles Martel, the Mayor of the Palace, repelled the Arabs in Poitiers."
French leaders admit failings but insist they are working to bring equality to all citizens and have embarked on an oblique public debate about what it means to be French. But that debate is still bounded by fidelity to ideals of the French Republic. President Jacques Chirac told reporters at Élysée Palace on Thursday that the government "hasn't been fast enough" in addressing the problems of discrimination, but that, "no matter what our origins, we are all children of the Republic."
Further to the political right, the debate has taken on another cast: the far-right National Front party released a computer-generated video on its Web site this week that showed Paris in flames. "Immigration, explosion in the suburbs ... Le Pen foretold it," the banner over the video reads, referring to the party's patriarch, Jean-Marie Le Pen.
The idea behind France's republican ideal was that by officially ignoring ethnic differences in favor of a transcendent French identity, the country would avoid the stratification of society that existed before the French Revolution or the fragmentation that it now sees in multicultural models like the United States. But the French model, never updated, has failed, critics say. "France always talks about avoiding ghettoization, but it has already happened," Mr. Sabeg said, adding that people are separated in the housing projects, in their schools and in their heads.
The country's colonial legacy has only deepened that alienation. Rachid Arhab, one of the only well-known minority broadcast journalists in France, says that he lives with the resentments touched off by the bloody war of independence that Algeria won against France in 1962. "Unconsciously, for many French, I'm a reminder of the war," he said, adding, "now they see images of second-generation Algerian children in the streets burning cars and buildings, and that brings out the resentment even more."
Mr. Arhab himself is a study in the country's ambivalence toward what it means to be French. He was born in Algeria when the country was French territory and so was born French. He moved to France as an infant, but lost his French citizenship when he was 8 in the wake of the Algerian war - like many French-Arabs from Algeria, his parents didn't understand that they had to apply to retain their citizenship in France. Mr. Arhab didn't become a French citizen again until 1992. Yet he said, "I feel profoundly French."
But even the language of identity has its barbs. Mr. Arhab said that when he hears people refer to him as French "of Algerian origin," it carries with it the subtext that he is not really French.
He said earlier generations like himself have had it easier than the frustrated youths in the housing projects today, because his generation had closer ties to their homelands. "When someone says to me, 'you're not French,' I can take refuge in my origins," he said, "but the young can't do that."
Most second-generation Muslim immigrants are generally no more observant than young French Catholics. But the legacy of discrimination creates the conditions for young people who feel neither French nor North African to seek an identity in Islam - often anti-Western, political Islam.
"I've known discrimination all of my life," Mr. Sabeg said, adding that the prejudices only grew stronger the more prominent he became. In 1991, he led a group of investors in taking over CS Communication and Systémes, a publicly listed company that he now runs. When he applied to the government to become a defense contractor, a ministry official told him, "You're called Sabeg, that's a problem for us," meaning that he was of Algerian descent.
Rumors soon began circulating that he was an Algerian spy. It took him three years to win his first contract from the Defense Ministry. He never found out who was behind the rumors. "It's like a snake, you see the tail as it disappears, but never the head," Mr. Sabeg said, adding that the rumors continue.
So far, the government's efforts to reach out to minority ethnic youth have been half-hearted, constrained by the republican ideals that have turned affirmative action into a taboo. But private efforts are beginning, skirting the rules.
Karim Zeribi, a former soccer player and political adviser, said a study he carried out earlier this year found that résumés sent out with traditionally French names got responses 50 times higher than those with North African or African names. In the wake of the study, Mr. Zeribi established an agency in April called Act for Citizenship, which canvasses minority neighborhoods for qualified job candidates and markets them to corporations.
"We want to create a network for these people where there is none," Mr. Zeribi said. Still, he said, his young candidates are regularly asked if they are practicing Muslims when they are interviewed for jobs.
domingo, 20 de diciembre de 2009
watch videos with subtitles
Copy this link and watch videos with English subtitles
http://www.youtube.com/voalearningenglish#p/c/74B9A596D1791B16/6/TaLGaiB4uxc
http://www.youtube.com/voalearningenglish#p/c/74B9A596D1791B16/6/TaLGaiB4uxc
lunes, 14 de diciembre de 2009
tip to speak English fast
Today we want to talk about the good news and the bad news of speaking English FAST.
The bad news: Educated native speakers know more than 50,000 English words!
Wow, that's a lot of vocabulary. Plus, educated native speakers are masters of spoken English grammar. That big grammar book you studied in the past-- we know all of it-- and we never have to think about it.
All those words and rules may make English seem difficult. In fact, many students think, "English is so difficult, I will never speak it fast".
But here's the good news: Educated native speakers use only the same 3000 words in normal conversations!
That's not so bad :) To speak excellent English, you don't need to know 50,000 words and you certainly don't need to study hundreds of grammar rules.
This is called the 80/20 principle. It means that 80% of success comes from 20% of the effort.
In other words, if you study intelligently, you will focus on the 20% of English that we use everyday. You will learn this English very well. You will learn it very deeply-- so you use it instantly-- super fast.
"My God! The lessons are Great!. I love the lessons and I love the method. I also love your excitement! You make learning English easy, fast, and fun."
--Marta van Lunteren
Its easy to use this idea-- simply focus on "high frequency" words, phrases, and grammar. You need to learn the words, phrases, and grammar that English speakers use every day. You need to MASTER them-- learn them very deeply, so you can use them super-fast, without thinking.
If you master that, the other 80% will be easy. Don't waste time trying to learn big word lists. Don't waste time studying big grammar books.
Learn the 3000 most common words, the 100 most common idioms, and the most common English phrases (totally learn them-- so you understand and use them automatically).
Do this, and you will be amazed-- your speaking and listening will improve very FAST. You will speak easily to native speakers.
Good luck,
The bad news: Educated native speakers know more than 50,000 English words!
Wow, that's a lot of vocabulary. Plus, educated native speakers are masters of spoken English grammar. That big grammar book you studied in the past-- we know all of it-- and we never have to think about it.
All those words and rules may make English seem difficult. In fact, many students think, "English is so difficult, I will never speak it fast".
But here's the good news: Educated native speakers use only the same 3000 words in normal conversations!
That's not so bad :) To speak excellent English, you don't need to know 50,000 words and you certainly don't need to study hundreds of grammar rules.
This is called the 80/20 principle. It means that 80% of success comes from 20% of the effort.
In other words, if you study intelligently, you will focus on the 20% of English that we use everyday. You will learn this English very well. You will learn it very deeply-- so you use it instantly-- super fast.
"My God! The lessons are Great!. I love the lessons and I love the method. I also love your excitement! You make learning English easy, fast, and fun."
--Marta van Lunteren
Its easy to use this idea-- simply focus on "high frequency" words, phrases, and grammar. You need to learn the words, phrases, and grammar that English speakers use every day. You need to MASTER them-- learn them very deeply, so you can use them super-fast, without thinking.
If you master that, the other 80% will be easy. Don't waste time trying to learn big word lists. Don't waste time studying big grammar books.
Learn the 3000 most common words, the 100 most common idioms, and the most common English phrases (totally learn them-- so you understand and use them automatically).
Do this, and you will be amazed-- your speaking and listening will improve very FAST. You will speak easily to native speakers.
Good luck,
sábado, 12 de diciembre de 2009
ANIMAL IDIOMS
LEARN NEW IDIOMS ON
http://www.flowenglish.libsyn.com/index.php?post_id=496869
1) Straight from the Horse’s Mouth
2) Straw that Breaks the Camel’s Back
3) Tail Between One’s Legs
4) Take the Bull by the Horns
http://www.flowenglish.libsyn.com/index.php?post_id=496869
1) Straight from the Horse’s Mouth
2) Straw that Breaks the Camel’s Back
3) Tail Between One’s Legs
4) Take the Bull by the Horns
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